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The Puzzle of Human Cooperation

Posted 21 July 2009 by Dominic

Dominic Johnson recently took part in the “What it Means to Be Human” panel at the World Science Festival in New York (June 2009). The panel, chaired by Alan Alda of MASH fame, featured Ed Wilson, Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, Rob Boyd and Xavier Le Pinchon. Alda hosted the PBS documentary “Scientific American Frontiers” for over ten years, and will host a new three-part series in 2009 on human evolution called “The Human Spark“. We discussed the origins, development and current problems in understanding human altruism - a key focus of evolutionary theories of religion but a phenomenon that remains controversial in nearly all disciplines.

Definitions are crucial, so first off let’s clarify that altruism is A helping B at a cost to A (and benefit to B) that will never be returned. Darwin was greatly troubled by apparent altruism in nature - how could bees, for example, evolve to have stings that are fatal for the bee itself? There appears to be no room in the survival of the fittest logic for that. Darwin worried that the problem of altruism might destroy his entire theory of evolution by natural selection. The puzzle of altruism only really began to be solved a century after Darwin. W.D. Hamilton developed the theory of kin-selection (A helps related individuals because they share the same genes), Robert Trivers proposed reciprocal altruism (A helps B if B helps A tomorrow), and later on this was extended to indirect reciprocity (A helps B and, by gaining a reputation for positive interactions, others such as C, D, and E help A in turn). These theories pretty much solved the puzzle of “altruism” in non-human animals (it was only apparent altruism - really it was just cooperation, meaning mutual benefits to both parties).

However, a major problem remains for understanding human cooperation, because humans cooperate even in one-shot interactions with unrelated strangers they will never meet again (i.e., where all these former theories don’t seem to work). Of course, it could be that we cooperate even in these situations because we carry on behaving as if interactions are among kin, repeated, or lead to reputation gains - after all, they nearly always were in our evolutionary past and our brain evolved for that social environment, not modern day New York. We may “know” that they are one-shot anonymous encounters, but nevertheless act in part on evolved mechanisms that we cannot simply switch off whenever we like. This is often called the “Big Mistake” hypothesis. Perhaps its not always such a big mistake - it can be very costly in the wrong setting, but often an initial cooperative disposition can help generate positive interactions (see Burnham and Johnson 2005 for more on this hypothesis).

Others have argued that humans are cooperative as a result of group selection. In competition with other groups, groups containing more altruists willing to sacrifice for the good of the group would do well at the expense of groups with only selfish individuals, and thus the cooperative group’s gene pool will grow even though it contains costly altruistic genes. This way, altruism could spread. Of course, whether selection at this group level overwhelms the reproductive advantages of within-group selfishness remains an empirical question - both processes occur in tandem and their relative importance will rise or fall depending on various contexts (e.g. migration rate between groups). So this area remains under heavy scrutiny.

The big question that we did not have time to get into during the WSF panel is the role of religion in human cooperation. At first glance, you might wonder why religion has anything to do with the evolution of cooperation. On the other hand, religions appear to offer the quintessential example of human cooperativeness, even altruism - groups of unrelated people willing to sacrifice extraordinary amounts time, energy and resources in the pursuit of shared cooperation (e.g. norms, taboos, helping the needy, collective action). They therefore pose one of the biggest puzzles for those interested in the origins of human cooperation.

To my mind, the evolution of cooperation and religion must have been tightly linked in our evolutionary history. Here’s why. One of the key things that distinguishes cooperation in non-human animals from cooperation in humans is our advanced cognitive abilities for complex language and “theory of mind” (the ability to reason about the contents of other minds, e.g. I know that you know X). Language and theory of mind dramatically elevate the potential for cooperation via indirect reciprocity, as reputations can now spread like wildfire. People can seek out cooperators and avoid cheats even when they have never interacted or even met them before. Moreover, theory of mind opened up a whole new world for managing our own reputations. Unlike our ancestors, with the evolution of theory of mind we were now intensely concerned ourselves about others finding out about and reacting to our own actions later on. I worry about what you know about me (e.g. do you know I stole your brother’s meat?), or what you saw me doing, or what you heard others saying I did, and so on. The consequences of my actions now depend on others’ knowledge, not just on being observed. At the same time, the potential consequences of being found out became more costly, as punishment became more likely (with more connected eyes and ears) and more severe (with the greater potential for group retribution). With the evolution of language and theory of mind, selfishness took on significantly elevated costs.

With our theory of mind on high alert for other minds observing, discovering, and judging our actions, it was a small step to the belief that our actions were continually watched and judged not only by other human beings, but also by supernatural agents (be they gods, witches, ghosts, sorcerers, spirits or whatever). It appears to be a universal feature of human societies that supernatural agents are believed to observe and reward or punish our actions, or even intentions. On the face of it, this seems like the kind of belief that evolution should stamp out because it compromises our reproductive fitness - forcing us to forgo opportunities for selfishness by following taboos or avoiding temptation. However, a belief that supernatural agents are watching may on the other hand bring adaptive advantages - decreasing the likelihood that we will be discovered and punished for socially unacceptable behavior in the real world. Since punishment could be severe in our pre-industrial societies - banishment, shunning, injury, or even death - evolution may have favored a belief in supernatural agents as a mindguard against selfish behavior. In short, part of humankind’s great propensity for cooperation may stem from the fear of supernatural punishment (further reading on this “supernatural punishment hypothesis”). Even atheists maintain beliefs about the consequences of our actions that are essentially supernatural: superstitions, folklore, “Just World” beliefs, karma, comeuppance, just desserts, and so on. If such beliefs were adaptive in our evolutionary history, their universality and persistence across places and cultures would be no surprise at all.

Posted in Cooperation, Religion | 2 Comments »

The Evolution of Religion

Posted 04 May 2009 by Dominic

Recent years have seen an explosion of interest in the idea that religion may be a product of evolution. Many prominent authors, such as Richard Dawkins and Daniel Dennett, argue that religion is an evolutionary accident—a by-product of big human brains.

We suggest exactly the opposite hypothesis. If religious beliefs and behaviors promoted survival and reproduction in our ancestral past, then they may have been favored by natural selection over human evolutionary history. This would mean that religious beliefs and behaviors are “adaptive”, and that religion evolved as a natural product of Darwinian processes. Religion may thus not be an accident of evolution, but rather an example of evolution.

The “Evolution of Religion” project is dedicated to exploring this hypothesis using scientific methods from anthropology, psychology and evolutionary biology (see our aims). The main adaptive advantages of religion appear to revolve around promoting cooperation. The power of religion to promote solidarity and trust offers a remarkably effective way of solving the thorny problem of  ”collective action”—how to trump individual self-interests and promote collective benefits instead. The dark side of religion’s power to promote cooperation is that, although cooperation works wonders within groups, it can exacerbate differences and conflicts between groups.

An evolutionary approach to religion does not exclude the possibility that supernatural agents are genuine (gods and evolution might coexist). However, it does suggest an alternative scientific hypothesis for the origin and persistence of religion. Evolutionary theories of religion are important because if belief in supernatural agents and related phenomena were subject to natural selection, then religious beliefs and behaviors are likely to be deeply ingrained features of human cognition, difficult to alter and unlikely to disappear from human culture anytime soon. Although it appears that many cultures around the globe are becoming more secular, the proportion of believers is growing, and even atheists are not immune from common perceptions of supernatural causation in everyday life—as E.O. Wilson wrote, “The human mind evolved to believe in the gods. It did not evolve to believe in biology” (Consilience, p.292). Our ability to understand, predict, and intervene in religious conflicts around the world will be incomplete without a solid scientific understanding of religion’s evolutionary origins, adaptive functions, and cognitive mechanisms.

Edinburgh is a fitting base for our project, where Charles Darwin spent two formative years at Edinburgh University Medical School from 1825-1827. Given the times in which Darwin arrived in Edinburgh, it is likely that his creative ideas were fueled by the Scottish Enlightenment. As described by the Head of Collections at Edinburgh University: “We have one of the greatest intellectual fireworks displays that ever happened in Europe. And then one of the greatest minds which the UK ever produces happens to settle on it. You would expect something very important to happen” (How Edinburgh Inspired Darwin’s Origin of Species, The Times, February 2009).

The timing is also fitting—2009 is the anniversary of Darwin’s 200th birthday and the 150th anniversary of the publication of On the Origin of Species. It is striking that it has taken a century and a half for scientists to seriously think about whether religious beliefs and behaviors, like other beliefs and behaviors, may be subject to the evolutionary processes that Darwin first revealed.

Edinburgh University is celebrating Darwin’s birthday with a variety of seminars, exhibitions, and tours throughout 2009. We are celebrating by launching a project to address perhaps the greatest challenge yet for Darwinism and evolutionary biology: does its power extend to explaining even the phenomenon that was long thought to lie beyond the realm of science?

 

Posted in Religion and Science | 3 Comments »